BRONZE
Post: Welsh Conservatism and devolution
Author: Dylan Jones-Evans
Blog: Dylan Jones-Evans
As some of you are no doubt aware, Lord Wyn Roberts has undertaken a review of devolution for the Conservative Party.
Part of my submission to the review, on the impact of devolution on the business sector, has already been discussed last week. The other part of my submission dealt with my own personal views, as a Welsh Conservative, on the broader future of devolution here in Wales.
As many of you are no doubt aware, I stood as a candidate for the Welsh Conservatives in the constituency of Aberconwy during the last Assembly elections. Whilst I am not longer directly active in politics, I remain an interested bystander to the political process.
In particular, I have been observing the change in attitudes amongst Welsh Conservatives towards devolution. For example, a recent study by the Institute of Welsh Politics showed that 39 per cent of Welsh Conservatives expressed backing for a law-making parliament with 26 per cent preferring the current Assembly arrangements. Only 27 per cent favoured no devolution at all.
This result is clearly important as, barring a miracle for Labour, it will be a Conservative Government in Westminster with a considerable majority that will make the final decision on a referendum for further powers in 2011.
Of course, Welsh Conservatives are rightly dismayed at the way in which the Labour Party has largely mismanaged Wales during the last nine years, even with the current powers that they have had at their disposal. This, I believe, has affected the attitudes of many of our party towards the Assembly during the last few years .
Indeed, it is ironic that Plaid's decision to form a coalition with Labour last year has, in my opinion, slowed down the acceptance of devolution as, ironically, nothing would have been more beneficial for the case for further powers than having Welsh Conservatives as part of an Assembly Government in Wales.
Members should therefore not criticise the constitutional body itself just because the policies of another party have largely failed, especially when Conservatives have succeeded at other levels of government at a national and local level and could equally do so as part of a Welsh Assembly Government.
The Conservative Party in Wales should also stop worrying that further devolution would result in a call for independence (especially as the proportion of the population that want this option has remained stubbornly stuck at 12-14 per cent for the last decade).
Contrary to the nationalist viewpoint, the creation of a Welsh Parliament is a not a step towards independence but a move towards equality within a Union of Parliaments within the United Kingdom, a Union that would be strengthened by having a Welsh ’Senedd’ with full law-making powers. Indeed, as recent research into devolution by the Economic and Social Research Council suggested, the majority of the population of Wales perceive themselves as "both Welsh and British" (with some stating that they are more Welsh, others more British and others equally).
Certainly, as we have seen recently, calls for 'independence' will continue to be made as long as we have a nationalist party within Wales. However, with a quarter of the people living in Wales at the time of the 2001 Census born on the other side of Offa’s Dyke, along with strong economic and social ties to the rest of Britain (especially in the more populated areas such as North East Wales and South East Wales), independence will remain unsupported by the vast majority of Welsh voters for the foreseeable future.
Another concern of many Conservative voters is the assumption that Labour will always be in power in Wales within the Assembly. Again, this is no longer true and, as May’s council election results have shown, the position of the Labour Party as the major political force has been broken, possibly forever in Wales.
Therefore, whilst some within the Conservative Party continue to have strong views on further powers, the Pandora’s box of devolution has been opened and there is no going back to the days of the old Welsh Office before 1999.
Lord Roberts' review will no doubt examine the different options for the party but it is important that we have a full and frank debate on this issue.
My views are no more important than those of any other party member and some will challenge my approach to devolution. That is critical as I hope this submission will form part of a mature debate on further powers that sadly seems to be missing from much of Welsh politics.
In particular, I believe that the time has come to move away from obsessing about the process of devolution itself to emphasise the values of the Conservative Party within Wales - values such as opportunity, choice and responsibility - and focus on the type of policies that can make a real difference to the Welsh people.
This would contrast with the attitude of the vast majority of the political classes in Wales, who seem content to argue for more powers just because we have less than the other devolved parts of the UK. This just isn’t a good enough argument and will attract little support from sceptics across all parties.
Instead, the case for greater powers should be made because they make a difference to the lives of the people of Wales and not because of any devolutional shortcomings relative to Scotland, Northern Ireland, or even Guernsey and the Isle of Man.
In my opinion as a Welsh Conservative, that is the case that our party must make on behalf of the people of Wales as devolution, for better or worse, is here to stay.
SILVER
Post: Beth yw pwynt Llywydd Plaid Cymru
Author: Penderyn
Blog: blogmenai
(English translation)
Bellach mae’n ymddangos yn sicr y bydd etholiad ar gyfer Llywydd Plaid Cymru eleni. Mae o leia’ dau enw yn y ras ac o bosib y bydd mwy wedi i bawb sylweddoli y bydd etholiad. Nid bwriad yr erthygl hon yw pleidio achos yr un o’r ymgeiswyr, nac ychwaith ceisio darogan y canlyniad, ond yn hytrach meddwl rhywfaint am beth yw rol y Llywydd.
Byth oddi ar ddifinio (yn gwbl addas) Arweinydd y Cynulliad fel Arweinydd y Blaid, mae ‘na dipyn o aneglurdeb wedi bod am rol y Llywydd, a neb mewn gwirionedd wedi gwneud ymdrech i ddiffinio beth yr rol a phwrpas y Llywydd ar ei newydd wedd. Craidd y sylwadau yma yw fod angen fod yn glir beth mae’r Blaid yn ei ddisgwyl o’r Llywydd cyn gallu gwneud penderyfniad ystyrlon am bwy ddyliai’r Llywydd fod.
Mae sawl rol posib, ac wrth gwrs mae modd cyfuno elfennau o’r rhain, ond yr hyn sy’n bwysig mi dybia i yw’r pwyslais … Dwi’n awgrymu isod sawl opsiwn i’w pwysog a mesur, trafod ac ystyried.
PONT. Mewn oes lle mae cynnydd rhyfeddol wedi bod yn y nifer aelodau etholedig a’r Blaid wedi proffesiynoli ar sawl wedd, gan gynnwys y niferoedd sylweddol iawn (dros 100) o unigolion bellach sy’n dibynnu am eu cyflogau ar y Blaid neu’i gwleidyddion; mae ‘na beryg fod llais yr aelodau yn cael ei tan gynrychioli. Mae angen Llywydd felly i gynrychioli’r adain wirfoddol, i roddi llais i’r aelodaeth ac i weithredu fel gwrthbwynt (lle bo angen) i’r aelodau etholedig.
YSBRYDOLWR/AIG CYHOEDDUS. Mae angen rhywun sy’n gallu tanio dychymyg poblogaeth Cymru, gyda dull gafaelgar a chyffrous o gyfathrebu ac i fod yn un o brif lefarwyr y Blaid.
YSBRYDOLWR/AIG MEWNOL. Mae angen rhywun sy’n gallu tanio dychymyg yr aelodaeth trwy gadw cysylltiad rheolaidd a chyson gyda’r aelodau a theithio dros Gymru benbaladr yn cefnogi gwaith canghennau ac etholaethau.
MEDDYLIWR. Eisoes mae gan y Blaid dim o wleidyddion rheng flaen sy’n cyfathrebu’n effeithiol gyda’r etholwyr, does dim diben ychwanegu un arall at y rhestr, yr hyn sydd angen yw rhywun i roddi cyfeiriad syniadaethol i’r Blaid (rol a fyddai wedi bod yn gwbl addas er enghraifft i’r diweddar Phil Williams). Gall fod ar ystod o bolisi neu ar rai o brif bynciau’r oes i’r Blaid e.e. annibyniaeth.
GWLEIDYDD HYN. Gan nad oes fawr o rol penodol gan y Llywydd bellach mae’r swydd yn arwydd o barch y Blaid at unigolyn sydd wedi rhoi oes o wasanaeth. Yn achos yr SNP mi roedd Winnie Ewing yn Lywydd o’r math hwn am flynyddoedd lawer. Yn achos y Lib Dems mae gwleidydd hyn (fel arfer) yn cael ei dewis i lenwi’r rol yn weddol rheolaidd.
STRATEGYDD. Mae angen rhywun i gamu nol o wleidyddiaeth ddydd i ddydd, ac i sicrhau fod y Blaid yn cadw golwg ar y darlun strategol ac yn gweithio i ddatblygu a mireinio strategaeth y Blaid. Gellir hyd yn oed o dderbyn hwn fel y rol dileu swydd Cadeirydd y Blaid, a chael y Llywydd i gadeirio prif gyfarfodydd y Blaid.
Mae na ddadleuon dros bob un o’r opsiynnau uchod, a bid siwr does dim posib i unrhyw unigolyn gyflawni bob un o’r rolau hyn – yn wir mae rhai yn gwbl anghydnaws a’i gilydd. Ond dwi’n argyhoeddedig fod angen i aelodaeth y Blaid ystyried be’ mae nhw eisiau o’r Llywydd, a phob un o’r ymgeisyddion i ddiffinio beth yw eu gweledigaeth hwythau o’r rol.
GOLD
Post: ...Go on, say something!
Author: Amanwy
Blog: Bevan Foundation Blog
Within 18 months, at the most, Wales will get a new First Minister; and Labour a new leader.
At the risk of repeating myself, there should be no assumption that the person who fills these offices will be the same.
But for the Party that assumes they will remain in control, shouldn’t it be a cause of concern that there is no debate about what the future holds?
Of course there is lots of speculation and gossip within the Cardiff Bay bubble about personalities: Will Leighton get enough nominations to take on Carwyn; Has Andrew lost his appetite; Will Edwina take the advice of those around her and stand etc.
But on the question of what any of these (potential) candidates will do with power there is silence.
“Too early to start campaigning yet”, I am told by those who have the ear of one of the contenders. But with Labour facing certain losses in the next month’s Council elections, am I the only one who thinks we should be hearing more about what those who wish to lead their Party plan to do to bring about a revival?
Ideas Wales has done nothing since its interesting, but ultimately pointless, seminar in Feburary. Wales 2020 has published three interesting pamphlets but has generated little debate.
And the source of debate and ideas outside the Labour Party is little better. The Bevan Society deserves credit for staring this blog, but the IWA has become a prisoner of caution.
Tempting as it is to blame others, culpability rests of the door of those who wish to lead.
Rhodri Morgan has given his party the courtesy of a leaving date. The job has been advertised, so let’s see the CVs – and more importantly lets here the presentations.
It seems at times that no one wishes to offend the First Minister by taking him at his word and planning for his departure. What is everyone waiting for? I’m sure they’re all busy Governing Wales and keeping a coalition together, but they won’t have to worry about it for much longer unless they start thinking, and talking, about the future.
In a brilliant speech to the Labour Party conference in Manchester 18 months ago Bill Clinton told Labour that unless they presented themselves as the agents of change somebody else would fill the gap. “Make no mistake about it”, he said, the question for voters “is not whether you will change. It's how you will change and in what direction.
But at this rate the only change Labour is heading towards is opposition.
Many thanks to the judges Alan Davies, Daran Hill, Adrian Masters and Professor Richard Wyn Jones for taking part.
Assuming that there will be a Welsh Politico Award for 2009, any posts published after 30 September 2008 should be eligible.
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